“FRANÇAFRIQUE or AFRIQUE-FRANCE, one more bun!” (Usman Ndiae)

It is important to remember that from the very beginning, the FRANÇAFRIQUE car was theorized by the President in the 55s, the late Hofot Boyne, gaining their sovereignty over the desire of many African leaders at that time to pursue direct partnership with the metropolis.

In November 1973, a large conference initiated by former Nigerian President Hamani Deori was held at the Elysee Palace as the first “Franco-African Summit”.

Since then, this particular and highly selected meeting has been used by top officials of “Marianne” as a diplomatic lever following the example of French presidents from Pompeii to Macron to establish metropolitan influence in these former colonies. Sovereign since the 1960s.

Even better, it served as a pretext for making key decisions in the assessment of the nature of relations and the actions of the presidents, similar to the decision made in 79 of the fall of Bokasa in Kigali. In connection with the relationship between aid for democratization in the 1990s and the assistance of EPAs, President Mithrandin La Paul.

In light of this history, it is easy to understand what is justified by the controversy surrounding this so-called Africa-France summit, but it does not mark a particular gap with the old approach.

Inevitably, President Macron is the first and foremost president of the Republic of France, regardless of his good intentions to establish or redefine the France-Africa relationship.

Among its privileges, it aims at all initiatives or joint activities to prioritize the unity, influence, moral and economic interests of its country. This Montpellier summit appears to be a strategy of separation or separation from its concept for better governance, otherwise it could not be the way to salvation in the end, depending on the invited personalities (intellectuals, entrepreneurs, artists, civil society actors, influencers, etc.) instead of the new colonial (France).

The idea of ​​dividing and ruling France finds all its comfort in this unreasonable desire to do without the qualified legal representatives of Africa. Kobe “and his sole qualification in making bold and courageous speeches in front of French President Macron will be brief.

Otherwise, how can it be justified to set aside formal deposits of African suffrage, national youth structures, religious and regular personalities, political youth, anti-French political associations?

Is this not another reason for our African leaders to understand how far France is poised to become our country’s “first partner economy” after nearly a decade of successful success in Senegal with President McGee? For sale?

The frantic expressions of many African scholars, such as the Cameroonian writer, Gaston Kehmann, the Senegalese bourgeois Boris DIOP and many others against their colleagues, confirm that France has a frenzy of expressions, such as Professor Axil MBMBE and Professor Syley Lyman Bachier Diagnனேs. Its approach is nothing but divisive for us to pursue freely.

The elite and especially the African youth reconciled and developed the theory of “Africa in Africa”, and the French writer Franுவாois Xavier Versace defines “Françafrique, the longest corrupt republic” in his book:

“Franஃois is like an iceberg. The tip of the iceberg is with you: France, Africa’s best friend, homeland of human rights. Then you are 90% immersed in the relationship: all means to maintain French domination with African allies in Africa.

Usmane NDIAYE
SG Kogar National
Young African leader

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